Translation of "Postnational" in English

Thus it becomes postnational, adapting to the extended frameworks of capitalist productivity.

In general, then, public spheres are increasingly transnational or postnational with respect to each of the constitutive elements of public opinion.

At the end of this process, an end we might call post-modern, post-national, post-socialist, post-colonial, post-Westphalian, post-structuralist, etc.

Citizenship is the biggest challenge facing a post-national society such as Europe.

In the European Union, we are building a community of modern post-national states.

It requires commitment and resources, and, more importantly, a postnational approach.

Our goal is a federal and post-national Europe, a Europe of the citizens.

They want to enter a post-Christian and post-national era.

For them, the region was the logical political unit of administration in a post-national Europe.

Jessop analyzes the paradigmatic shift from a Keynesian national welfare state, to a postnational Schumpeterian workfare state.

Both did not want to speak of a dominant culture but instead spoke up for liberality and a post national understanding of being German.

What potential lies in post national forms of belonging that run counter to widely accepted strategies of globalisation?

And in this way, the first form of a post-national politics of flexible citizenship was prematurely born in Almanya.

A new anthropocentric vision of law and politics is emerging, and the post-national identity is taking form in the streets of Europe.

Such a national cuckoo inside the federal nest would shatter the codecision procedure, which is the key formula in the Union's own march towards becoming a mature post-national parliamentary democracy.

Such an improvement would serve to reassure public opinion about the quality of our accession process and about the pace of expansion of Europe's post-national society.

It is true that the European Constitution, with its potential for unity and cohesion, has been delayed but a post-national Europe is emerging.

At a time when crude balance of power questions are proving fairly problematical for the IGC, surely it is sensible for it to focus on building up cooperation and trust with the Parliament and developing post-national European democracy as fast as possible.

So we should proceed fast to develop platforms at European level to support and promote post-national politics which truly reflect the paradigms of the 21st century.

In other words, political realism in our era means building a new utopia, that of a supranational or post-national democracy, while for two centuries the DNA of democracy has been its realisation within the nation-state.

The legitimacy of “post-national” Europe – based on the EU’s obligation, enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty, to promote “the well-being of its people” – is at stake.

The increasing prominence of these concepts had to do with the failures of representative democracy, which in turn could be explained by the rise in the power of the media, the judiciary, and global governance, which had been decisive factors in a post-national world that had undermined the sovereignty of nations.

Shared heritage is therefore a post-national program, in a sense, and it requires a corresponding mindset from every participant.

This understanding of migration puts the issue of citizenship directly on the agenda of post-national polity (consider three different demands of migrational movements related to an enlargement of traditional conceptualizations of citizenship: cultural citizenship, flexible citizenship, and universal citizenship).

Nevertheless, we should not rush to jettison the notion of a "transnational public sphere." Such a notion is indispensable, I think, to those of us who aim to reconstruct democratic theory in the current "postnational constellation."

But that can only succeed through a system of European citizenship for all citizens – in a combined, post-national European republic.

We must dissolve the Schumpetarian postnational workfare state, which upholds unlimited competition and war.

The efforts made as part of “Aufbau Ost” are an example of national solidarity, the like of which could hardly have been expected in a political atmosphere dominated by post-national discourse.

Integration can no longer be derived from the historical experiences of the founding states, nor are we dealing with a “post-national constellation” in which constitutional patriotism can endow the meaning of integration.